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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile



I will try for within the minute next time. wink

laughing biggrin laughing And you will probably do it.

Hey Blizz ... while mucking around with that 9500GT today for Chris I found it was quite easy to get the core and shadders to within a click or two of blue screen. Where I get into trouble is the memory clock. Is there a ratio or something I'm missing? I blew up 11 GPUGrid wu's today while playing around ... I don't think they are going to send me a christmas card this year. laughing biggrin laughing


Core, Shader, and Memory clocks have different straps. It only goes up by a certain interval.

Theoretically you cannot get it within one or two off the max.


Thanks confused ... I have no idea what that means. wink


The core/shader/memory only go up in intervals of. So if the core strap is at 702, if you put 715 or 690, it will go to 702. It always goes up or down to nearest strap.
[Apr 24, 2009 3:39:55 AM]   Link   Report threatening or abusive post: please login first  Go to top 
RT
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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile

@Keith: So tomorrow is the last day? I'm sure you are busy. When you get settled into retirement, please send me a founder change request for YoYo. Thanks! cool


Actually, Monday is my last day. It's unemployment, not retirement. Retirement is not for another 12-16 years (that's what I get for having a daughter back at 47).


Ooops ... well good luck on the job search. peace


There is a lot of that going around. I have a far-too-full house for that very reason. I am retired but all the rest of them (sans my wife) are unemployed as well. Hopefully things will improve soon. What is your area of expertise?
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Dataman
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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile



I will try for within the minute next time. wink

laughing biggrin laughing And you will probably do it.

Hey Blizz ... while mucking around with that 9500GT today for Chris I found it was quite easy to get the core and shadders to within a click or two of blue screen. Where I get into trouble is the memory clock. Is there a ratio or something I'm missing? I blew up 11 GPUGrid wu's today while playing around ... I don't think they are going to send me a christmas card this year. laughing biggrin laughing


Core, Shader, and Memory clocks have different straps. It only goes up by a certain interval.

Theoretically you cannot get it within one or two off the max.


Thanks confused ... I have no idea what that means. wink


The core/shader/memory only go up in intervals of. So if the core strap is at 702, if you put 715 or 690, it will go to 702. It always goes up or down to nearest strap.

Ok, got that. But an old simpletons approach was from the standard clock, increase the core to blue screen. Backoff and double that for the shader (has always worked for me) and increase to blue screen. Back off. But then when I try increase memory clock it crashes. Just thought there was some coralation. Thanks!
peace
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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile

Jonathan got his 1st Muon badge. applause applause
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[Edit 1 times, last edit by Dataman at Apr 24, 2009 4:20:16 PM]
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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile

I'll drop it in the post tomorrow. By the way, everyone say a prayer for me; I'm running for a position on the Board of Directors of the Secular Students Association (an atheist/nontheist/secularist advocacy group).


Yes, I will pray for you.

Cheers


ROFL! Appreciated!
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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile

Here are a pair of counter-posed Op-Ed articles I wrote to stimulate debate in an online religion community forum. I thought that perhaps some of you might find them interesting.

An Open Letter From A Neo-Rawlsian Atheist To His Religious Friends:
Let’s Keep Faith Out of Public Policy Debates

My Religious Friends,

I write to warn you of a dire and dastardly plot to reintroduce sectarian religious arguments into our public policy debates. This agenda was first forwarded by the religious right by figures such as Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson. Recently, Jim Wallis, and a number of other well-meaning religious apologists have responded to the religious right in defense of the liberal democratic values of tolerance and equality so much under siege from the religious right. While we atheists greatly appreciate the advocacy Jim Wallis has done on behalf of the poor and downtrodden, we strenuously caution him to keep the use of religious reasons from the public square.

First, the use of religious reasons in public policy debates violates the spirit of the public square. The public square is supposed to be a place of free inquiry and rational debate, not a venue for blind assertion of faith claims. Participants in the public policy discussion in the public square voluntarily agree to temporarily suspend their religious beliefs because the reasons offered in the public square ought to be acceptable to any reasonable person regardless of their theological presuppositions. Thus, the public square is a space that privileges no theological views, or in other words, a “secular” space. We must be clear here that this secular space imposes the same restrictions upon secular worldviews as it imposes on religious worldviews. Thus, an atheistic argument in favour of a public policy proposal that hinges on the non-existence of God would be equally illegitimate as a Christian argument in favour of a public policy proposal that hinges on the existence of God. To reiterate, reasons provided in the public square should not be contingent on either the existence or non-existence of God.

In addition to the fact that the use of religious reasons in public policy debates in the public square is antithetical to the very idea of the public square, those who advocate in favour of the use of religious reasons must realize that if they begin offering religious reasons in favour of certain policies, these reasons will only be persuasive to those who accept the same theological presuppositions as they do. For example, Christians and atheists have diametrically opposed theological perspectives – while Christians advocate the existence of God and base their lives on the revelation of that fact, atheists equally vehemently deny that very same premise. Hence, if a Christian provides an explicitly Christian reason in favour of a public policy proposal, he actually hasn’t given the atheist a reason at all. He has actually merely given me a justification for his behaviour – a justification which hinges on the assumption of his theological perspective. From the perspective of an atheist who sees no compelling evidence to believe in the existence of the God of the Bible, an appeal to the desires of such a deity are likely to either fall upon deaf ears. A Humanist who hears an argument that turns upon the existence of God does not consider that argument any more legitimate than one that turns upon the existence of the ancient Greek or Norse Gods. Humanists consider appeals to the existence of God as fundamentally no different from appeals to the Greek Gods from antiquity, and hence consider arguments that appeal to their existence and desires ridiculous.

Additionally, do we really want to live in a world in which a sizable percentage of Americans are persuaded more by appeals to their theological views than to appeals to reason common to all people? Should the question, “At what point does the soul enter the human body?” really be a part of the public debate about abortion? We say no! There are already ample places for these debates, including churches, theology classrooms, religious forums, and any number of journals of Christian Ethics, among others. Let’s keep the public square not merely non-sectarian, but avowedly non-theological, neither rejecting, nor admitting the existence of God.

Finally, the inclusion of religious reasons in the public square poses a challenge that many religious Americans would be wise to anticipate: namely, that if religious reasons are introduced in the public square, religion will cease to be treated with kid gloves. Many non-theistic Americans find nothing wrong in principle with religion and have a great deal of respect for people’s privacy and religious freedom, but once religious reasons are advanced in support of a policy proposal, they will (quite reasonably) subject each premise of the argument to careful scrutiny. If the argument is unconvincing unless one adopts a sectarian religious perspective, they will categorically reject the argument, and rightfully so. They will also turn their attention to explicitly questioning the religious dogmas that give rise to the sectarian religious arguments to which they object. Does the Catholic Church really want to have a public debate about whether or not the Immaculate Conception is true? Do religious Americans want their religious dogmas to be subjected to intense public scrutiny? I should think not. Religious Americans might find out that sometimes getting what they want doesn’t turn out the way they wanted it to. Indeed, those who seek to use religious reasons in support of a policy might find out that introducing religious premises actually undermines, instead of advancing, one’s attempts to garner support.
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[Edit 1 times, last edit by Former Member at Apr 24, 2009 3:50:11 PM]
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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile

A “Stout” Response to A Friendly, But Paranoid, Atheist

The very idea of banning religious reasons from public policy debates violates the spirit of freedom of expression and freedom of religion enshrined in the Bill of Rights in our Constitution. The Bill of Rights reads very clearly, Amendment I: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.” Therefore, to ban religious reasons from the public square would be unconstitutional. And it wouldn’t be unconstitutional in some sort of marginal or partial sense, but it violates the very foundational principle of free expression at the heart of our democracy.
Professor of religion Jeffrey Stout concurs, writing, “This conclusion [that religious reasons should be banned from the public square] strikes me as extremely counterintuitive, given that it seems so contrary to the spirit of free expression that breathes life into democratic culture. As Nicolas Wolterstorf says, ‘given that it is of the very essence of liberal democracy that citizens enjoy equal freedom in law to live out their lives as they see fit, how can it be compatible with liberal democracy for its citizens to be morally restrained from deciding and discussing political issues as they see fit?’”

Additionally, such a ban would awkwardly censor many religious Americans in the public sphere. It would seem an awful imposition on the authenticity of religious citizens, that if religious reasons are banned from the public square, they could not put forward the genuine reasons for their advocacy or opposition to a proposition. Even the great atheist pragmatist Richard Rorty once said, there is “hypocrisy involved in saying that believers somehow have no right to base their political views on their religious faith, whereas we atheists have every right to base our on Enlightenment philosophy. The claim that in doing so, we are appealing to reason, whereas the religious are being irrational, is hokum.” It is important to acknowledge the force of this argument – Rorty admits that faith is not the unique province of religion and from that, we can deduce that there can be secular articles of faith as well. Stout writes, “Everyone holds some beliefs on nonreligious topics without claiming to know that they are true. To express such a belief in the form of a reason is to make what I have been calling a faith-claim.” Thus, the logical extension of this is to regard a confident scientific materialist as an example of a secular faith claim. After all, we cannot know if all that there is to reality is scientifically detectable. Further, there is good reason to think that since our faculties are imperfect, that it stands to reason that they fail to observe some significant percentage of phenomena due to both the “imperfections” of our tools of perception and the brevity of our existence in the universe, that perhaps there is more to this Universe than meets the eye and/or microscope. Regardless of the fact that secular individuals make faith claims, it is important to understand that religious arguments are not necessarily predicated on faith claims. For example, the teaching, “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you,” doesn’t really turn on the truth or falsity of the existence or non-existence of God. Regardless of whether there is a God or not, humans should treat each other with respect and decency. So just as there can be secular faith claims, there can be religious non-faith claims. The picture the hardline secularist is trying to portray simply is not supported by the evidence – religious reasons are not necessarily any less “rational” than secular ones.

Finally, we have to consider whether or not the secularist in this case is being overly alarmist about the potential for theocracy. Ultimately, the secularist is motivated by a very rational fear, fear of theocracy. Most secularists are not terribly concerned if religious Americans want to justify their belief in the fundamental freedom and equality of men as stemming from their religious belief that we are all made in God’s image, or from the evolutionary observation that our ancestors would not have survived unless they had banded together and treated each other with dignity and respect, or even from mere acceptance that participation in the democratic community entails treating all human beings as equal. Instead they are concerned with the prospect of the public policy debate being hijacked by religious voices. Stout anticipates this concern and writes, “One thing counting against traditionalist proposals in the American context is that relatively strict church-state separation and ample freedom of religious expression comports well with a political culture that was shaped in large part by immigrants in flight from restrictive religious orthodoxies.” But the answer to the question of why the American public policy debate is so unlikely to be hijacked by religious extremists is the “sheer extent of religious diversity in this society.” Stout continues, “Members of minority traditions… have every reason to oppose restrictions on the public expression of religious dissent against majority views.” The answer is somewhat simple – the ultimate fears motivating the secularists are unfounded. Regardless of their potential frustration with the inclusion of religious reasons in public policy debates, secularists can be reassured that the public policy debate is unlikely to be hijacked by religious extremists.
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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile

Jonathan --That is indeed thoughtful writing--now tell what you think?
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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile

Jonathan --That is indeed thoughtful writing--now tell what you think?


I used to be a pretty hardcore Rawlsian, like the first essay. But in recent times, I've started coming around to the second view. I'm really bothered by the fact that Rawlsians claim that to protect freedom of religion, we must restrict religion from the public sphere. It seems patently ridiculous.
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Re: smilesmile Join "MyOnlineTeam" Today - Chapter 34 smilesmile

http://shop2.frys.com/product/5837943

Excellent crunching cards.
Get a 4 PCI mobo and 4 of these.
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